Iran warns of an imminent US attack as Trump weighs "wiping Iran out" and Brent slides for a fourth session
The war-of-words re-hardened on both sides over the weekend — Tehran said it had intelligence of a coming US-led offensive and threatened sustained retaliation, while Trump said his options were "wiping Iran out" or letting Iran's economy "rot" — yet the physical tape kept softening, with Brent down 1.7% to $102.15 on a fourth straight down session as flow reports improved even as visible Hormuz transits fell to about a dozen from 35 a weekend earlier .
0. Weekly Arc
Across the eight days since 9/14 the arc ran escalation, contested de-escalation, then a re-hardened stalemate. 9/14–15 brought the Hanish islands, the postponed Oman meeting, the East-West pipeline shutdown and Brent above $107. 9/16–18 added Yanbu’s loading halt, the Oman ship-to-ship workaround and a give-back to roughly $103–104. 9/19–20 produced JPMorgan’s admission that it cannot model the endgame, a US claim of six-month-high Hormuz flows, and the first Houthi strikes on Riyadh to trigger capital air-raid alerts since the spring. Today adds an Iranian warning of a coming US attack and a fourth straight down session in crude.
1. Situation Overview
The past ~24 hours are a re-hardened stalemate in which rhetoric escalated while the barrel continued to soften. Iran’s central military command said on 9/20 that Tehran had received information the United States, backed by some regional countries, was preparing to resume actions against Iran, warning that any attack would trigger sustained strikes on US bases and interests and that regional states supporting such a move would be treated as parties to the conflict [1][2][3][4][5]; the IRGC spokesman warned that another attack would bring “new weapons, an expanded battlefield and strikes on targets not previously attacked” [1]. President Donald Trump told Fox News the same day that the only options on the table were “wiping Iran out,” or letting its economy “rot,” unless both sides reach a deal, and that he was in “deciding mode” [2][6]. Pressure has not moved Tehran: two months into a renewed US naval blockade of its ports, Iran’s oil exports are choked off, it has been deprived of billions of dollars in state revenue, the rial fell to a record low above 2.3 million to the dollar this month, and inflation has remained above 80% for months — yet reporting based on the Washington Post’s interviews finds “little sign that the financial pain is translating into pressure on Iran’s leadership sufficient to force a return to talks and end the war” [7]. On the price side, oil fell for a fourth consecutive session as improving Strait of Hormuz flows and diplomatic efforts eased supply concerns [8], with Brent futures down 1.7% at $102.15 and WTI down 1.8% at $98.46 [2] — against a competing print of Brent near $104 after a three-day drop and WTI below $100 [9]. That softness sits awkwardly beside shipping data showing that a dozen commodity vessels transited the strait over the weekend, down from 35 the prior weekend [10]. Net characterization: rhetorically escalating, physically still impaired, and priced with a soft bias.
2. Key Parties’ Positions
- [ESCALATED] Negotiation progress: Iran has conveyed its conditions for resuming negotiations to Washington through Qatar — an end to the war on all fronts, the release of Iran’s frozen assets and the lifting of the naval blockade — per Supreme National Security Council secretary Mohsen Rezaei, who told MS NOW on 9/19 that consultations with Qatari and Pakistani mediators continue and that Iran awaits Trump’s response [5], and separately told Al Jazeera the conditions had been passed to Washington via Qatar [1]. Qatar’s PM said messages are being passed between Washington and Tehran and that Gulf leaders are seeking meetings with Trump this week [1] (single source / unverified). Rezaei said Iran’s seven preconditions for peace “remained,” including the US lifting its blockade of Iranian oil ports, the restoration of frozen assets and the lifting of sanctions on Iranian oil exports, and that “We invited them to the Salahah meeting and they reciprocated with a secret meeting in Germany with US Central Command and Israel.” [6] Trump said he would “probably” be open to meeting Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian at this week’s UN General Assembly in New York [1][2][6], though Guardian reporting judges such an encounter “would probably be rejected by the Iranians, who refuse to negotiate directly with the US, operating instead largely through mediators” [6]. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi left Tehran on 9/20 for the assembly with a brief stop in Qatar planned [1], and Trump is due to meet the six Gulf Cooperation Council member states in New York [6]. A Financial Times headline frames the week as “Iran and Gulf states to meet in push for Hormuz deal,” though the page itself carries no report body [11].
- [ESCALATED] US / main pressuring party: In a phone call with a Fox News reporter on 9/20, Trump said he would be open to meeting Pezeshkian during the assembly, but also that he is in “deciding mode” over whether to blow up the nation [2], and told Fox News that the only options on the table were “wiping Iran out,” or letting its economy “rot,” unless both sides reach a deal [2]; he also said he was close to a major decision on Iran — “My question is, if and when do I blow the entire nation up? They better behave.” [1] Per the Guardian he told the reporter that “very big things are going to be happening in the not-so-distant future” and that his options were “wiping Iran out, letting them rot economically or making a deal” [6]. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has pledged to sever “every economic lifeline” connecting Iran to the global financial system, with measures announced against entities in the United Arab Emirates, Turkey and Russia [7]. US UN Ambassador Mike Waltz declined to put a timeline on ending the Iran war, telling CNN that economic pressure and the naval blockade mean time is on Washington’s side [1]. The administration last week approved the potential $24.3 billion sale of nearly 50 F-35 warplanes to Saudi Arabia [5].
- [NEW] US — decision to hold off on Houthi strikes: Trump decided against US strikes on Yemen’s Houthis for now, after ordering preparations following an appeal from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; targets had been approved and bombs were being loaded before he pulled back at least for the time being, according to NYT sources cited by Zack Eiseman’s roundup (single source / unverified) [1]. Trump told Fox News on 9/20 that Washington remains in constant communication with the Houthis and that they have agreed not to fight the United States [1][6]. Separately, Trump signed the Russia–Iran sanctions bill into law on the evening of 9/18, expanding sanctions on Moscow, providing for tariffs of up to 100% on major Russian-energy buyers and extending existing Iran sanctions for five years (per AP, single source) [1], and China’s Commerce Ministry condemned the law on 9/19, reserving the right to take measures to protect Chinese interests and companies (single source) [1]. The State Department warned on 9/19 that the military conflict “has the potential to escalate rapidly” and that Americans outside the Middle East “should seriously reconsider travel to and through the region,” citing potential flight cancellations and airspace closures [5][3][4].
- [ESCALATED] Iran / counterparty: Iran’s central military command said on 9/20 that it had received information the United States, with the backing of some regional countries, was preparing to resume actions against Iran, that any US attack would trigger sustained strikes on US bases and interests in the region, and that regional countries supporting US aggression would be considered parties to the conflict [1][2][3][4][5]. The Khatam al-Anbia Central Headquarters said: “If the U.S. makes any mistake against the Islamic Republic of Iran, all its positions and interests in the region will be targeted by sustained, effective and painful attacks,” according to semi-official Tasnim [2]. Per the Guardian, Iran’s leaders pledged some reprisals could extend as far as US naval forces in the Indian Ocean and accused some Gulf leaders of “double dealing” by allegedly giving a green light to US attacks [6]. Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said on 9/20 that Iran must keep on fighting and negotiating to push back its enemies and should only work on diplomacy when it has the upper hand on the battlefield, while insisting in a lengthy statement to parliament that Iran was not interested in waging a forever war with the US [2][6][3][4]. Deputy speaker Haji-Babaei said Tehran and Washington fundamentally cannot reach an agreement, telling the Student News Agency that Iran should attack US economic strongholds in the region to gain the upper hand [1]. Iran’s Foreign Ministry called the US initiatives “economic terrorism” and vowed not to bend to the pressure [7]; Iran’s Supreme National Security Council also called for an end to US attacks on Iran’s regional allies and to threats against Iran [5]. The US Department of Defense did not immediately reply to a request for comment on Iran’s claim to hold intelligence about a coming American attack [3].
- [ESCALATED] Israel: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is offering Riyadh intelligence sharing and military consultations against the Houthis in a renewed push for normalisation before Israel’s elections, per Al-Monitor citing two senior Israeli political sources (single source / unverified) [1].
- [ESCALATED] Saudi Arabia: Saudi authorities said they intercepted and destroyed a ballistic missile and reported no casualties or damage, after the Houthis claimed missile and drone attacks on Riyadh on 9/19 that triggered the first air-raid alert in the capital since fighting escalated in July [2]; Saudi-led coalition spokesman Major-General Turki al-Maliki said on X on 9/19 that the Houthis also attempted to target civilians and infrastructure in several parts of the kingdom but were thwarted by air defences [2]. Riyadh insisted it intercepted the missiles, but local photographs show smoke pouring from the Aramco facility [6], and Reuters video showed a massive plume of black smoke billowing from the area of Riyadh’s main international airport [4][3]. Recent Houthi escalation has forced Riyadh into a painful dilemma — continue airstrikes to block further advances in Yemen, or step back to avert drone strikes on critical domestic energy infrastructure [3][4]. Saudi Arabia issued air-raid alerts for Riyadh at the weekend [9].
3. Military Actions
- [NEW] Iran: Iran’s ground-forces commander said special forces, rapid-response, mechanised and artillery units had been deployed across multiple border regions and the Makran coast (single source / unverified) [1].
- [ESCALATED] Proxies (Houthis / Saudi and Red Sea front): The Houthis claimed missile and drone attacks on “sensitive” sites in Riyadh on 9/19 [5], with the barrage marking the first time the capital’s Aramco oil facilities had been subject to such a sustained attack since the Saudi–Houthi ceasefire broke down in June [6], and separately claimed strikes on Saudi Aramco facilities in Yanbu using ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones, with spokesman Yahya Saree saying attacks would continue until Saudi military operations and the blockade of Yemen end [1][3][4]. Reuters footage showed flames and heavy smoke rising from fuel tanks near King Khalid International Airport [1][3]; local authorities have not cited the cause [5]. The Houthis launched a lightning ground offensive around Bab el-Mandeb, seizing Mokha and nearby islands [5], and now sit directly on the strait [4]. Forces allied to the UN-recognised government of Yemen claimed to be pushing back, with 75 Houthi soldiers killed on Saturday alone [6], and the Saudi-led coalition said it had foiled other attacks on the kingdom [4].
- [ONGOING] US: The renewed US naval blockade of Iran’s ports is two months in [7]; an increasing number of tankers are crossing a narrow corridor along Oman’s coastline under US naval protection with their navigation systems switched off [12][10].
- [ONGOING] Iraq-origin strike on Saudi infrastructure: Reuters attributes the 9/10 strike on Saudi Arabia’s East-West pipeline to Iran-backed militants in Iraq, cutting off roughly 4% of global oil supplies that had been flowing to international markets via the Red Sea port of Yanbu [12]; the Houthis also carried out attacks on the pipeline [10].
- [ONGOING] Proxies — Bab el-Mandeb control: Houthi positions on Yemen’s coast give the group easier control over shipping travelling between the Red Sea and Asia [4], and Deutsche Bank notes new restrictions on Bab el-Mandeb supply with Saudi Arabia as the main target [13].
4. Strait of Hormuz Transit Status
- [ESCALATED] Control-status change: Tehran has insisted it will not reopen the Strait of Hormuz until Washington fulfils its commitments under the June memorandum — lifting the naval blockade of Iranian ports, easing sanctions, unfreezing Iranian assets and ending US military threats [2][3][4][5], with Ghalibaf saying in a 9/20 Telegram post that the shipping channel between Iran and Oman would not open until all of Iran’s conditions are met [5]. The Guardian describes the strait as “already effectively closed to western traffic” [6], Iran as having blocked most shipping [3][4] and the concurrent US blockade of Iranian ports as preventing Tehran from selling its own oil [3][4]. Rezaei said Gulf states were invited to a meeting in Salalah, Oman last week to approve the agreed Oman–Iran plan for a new authorised shipping route through the strait, but that Saudi Arabia rejected attendance [6], while the Financial Times headline frames the week as a push for a Hormuz deal [11]. Deutsche Bank notes that 9% — 10 million barrels per day — of global refining capacity is blocked behind the strait [13].
- [ESCALATED] Transit data: A dozen commodity vessels transited the strait over the weekend, down from 35 the prior weekend, per shipping data reported 9/21 [10]; provisional Kpler data show four vessels — two refined-product tankers and two empty carriers for bulk goods and gas — exiting on Sunday while two small oil tankers entered the Gulf, and five vessels leaving on Saturday carrying agricultural products, liquefied petroleum gas and fertiliser while an empty very large gas carrier entered [10]. Before the war began on 2/28 the strait typically handled about 125 large commercial vessels per day [10]. Counter-readings abound: Kpler puts exports through Hormuz at around 6.5 million bpd so far in September, the highest since the brief spike after the June ceasefire [12]; the US Department of Energy estimates total Hormuz exports may have risen to 11 million bpd through the US “shuttle” effort, several million bpd more than shipping data show [13]; JPMorgan’s 9/18 note put total Middle East oil flows at 17.1 million bpd over the past 10 days, just 6.1 million bpd below the 2025 average, with Saudi oil moving through Hormuz averaging 2.9 million bpd over six days against 700,000 bpd in August [10]; the Houthi government said 318 ships passed through the strait from 10–18 September [6]; and CENTCOM commander Brad Cooper said oil and LNG shipments through Hormuz reached a six-month high over the past fortnight (single source / unverified social relay) [1]. Polymarket shows an 84% probability that traffic normalises this year, up from a low of 39% on August 5 [13].
- [ESCALATED] Shipping / insurance signals: Benchmark freight rates for a VLCC carrying Gulf crude to China have surged to above $30 per barrel, by far the highest level on record according to LSEG data, with freight now representing over a quarter of the cost versus 2% to 3% before the war [12]; the WSJ frames the new scarcity as ships rather than crude, with the pipeline shutdown forcing more crude back through Hormuz and onto a tanker fleet [14]; shipping Houston crude to Asia now costs roughly $26/bbl, or $52 million per cargo, threatening flows as refiners seek closer supplies [1]. Tankers are transiting with their navigation systems switched off [12][10]. UKMTO said it received a report of an incident involving a vessel transiting through the Strait of Hormuz, with no further details given (single source / unverified) [15].
5. Asset Implications
| Asset | Direction | Horizon | Driver | Anchoring fact |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Brent crude | range-soft (~$98–105) | days–weeks | A fourth consecutive down session on improving-flow reports and diplomacy, versus an unopened strait and a locked-out 10 million bpd of refining | §1 price prints and §4 transit data |
| Gold / precious metals | → (firm bias) | days | Haven bid from a mutual threat exchange and a regional travel advisory; no fresh metal prints in this batch | §2 Iran/US position exchange |
| Global equities / risk sentiment | ↓ (mild) | days | Oil-inflation channel plus binary UN General Assembly event risk and a hardening sanctions perimeter | §2, §4 |
| USD / haven currencies | → (firm bias) | days | Oil-inflation channel and sanctions-driven demand; no FX prints in this batch | §2, §4 |
| Energy / shipping value chain | ↑↑ | weeks–months | VLCC freight above $30/bbl at a record, freight at over a quarter of delivered cost, and ship rather than crude scarcity | §4 shipping signals, §3 |
| LNG / European gas | ↑ | weeks–months | Qatari cargoes moving on negotiated passage, 17% of Qatari LNG capacity damaged, and German January power above €180/MWh | §4 transit data, §2 |
Mechanism read: This remains a supply-shock tape, but the two halves of the tape are now pulling in opposite directions. The financial layer is de-escalating — four straight down sessions, Brent at $102.15 and WTI at $98.46, textbooks citing improving flows and diplomatic prospects — while the physical layer keeps deteriorating: a dozen transits against 35 a weekend earlier, freight above $30 a barrel on the benchmark VLCC route against 2–3% of delivered cost before the war, and a shuttle system whose September volumes (about 2.5 million bpd of ship-to-ship loadings in the Gulf of Oman, roughly 40% of what still moves through the strait) are now load-bearing rather than a stopgap. The gap matters because the high official flow readings — the Department of Energy’s 11 million bpd, JPMorgan’s 17.1 million bpd of Middle East flows, the claimed six-month high — are largely functions of dark transits and STS shuttling that the visible-vessel counts cannot see. If the measurement is right, the premium is unwinding on resilience; if the visible counts are right, the market is discounting barrels that are not actually moving.
The second mechanism is who absorbs the cost, and it is no longer the consumer alone. A VLCC rate above $30 a barrel and freight at more than a quarter of delivered cost represent one of the largest transfers from producers to shipowners in the market’s history, and producers are absorbing part of it through deeper crude discounts, which means the headline Brent print understates both the true delivered cost to Asian refiners and the fiscal hit to Gulf exporters. Two further channels keep the tail fat: European winter power, with German January wholesale electricity above €180/MWh and more than 60% higher year on year, and the product leg, where US diesel prices above $6.50 a gallon have already produced a Senate proposal for an export embargo. Deutsche Bank’s raised fourth-quarter Brent forecast of $95 — with a sub-$70 optimistic tail and a $130–150 tail if the war runs to 2028 — and Polymarket’s 84% odds of normalisation this year bracket the disagreement: the market is simultaneously pricing resilience and keeping a war-to-2028 scenario alive.
6. Contrarian & Watch Signals
- Contrarian & tail risks: (1) The most bullish fact today is a refusal to escalate. Trump’s decision to pull back from strikes on the Houthis after targets were approved and bombs loaded is the single most de-escalatory datum in the batch, and it reveals the real constraint — Pentagon budget pressure and depleted munitions, not restraint — which caps how far Washington can widen the theatre even as its rhetoric sharpens. (2) The price and the vessels disagree, and one of them is wrong. Four down sessions in crude alongside a transit count falling from 35 to a dozen is a divergence that historically resolves toward the physical side; the same divergence exists inside the official statistics, where the Department of Energy’s 11 million bpd estimate sits several million barrels above what shipping data can see. (3) Economic pressure has a poor track record against this specific target. Iran’s exports were pushed near zero in 2019 without collapse, similar crisis forecasts in 2020 proved wrong and the economy was growing again by 2023, and Iranian officials are described as deliberately absorbing body blows to outlast Washington — a structural insulation, not a temporary dodge. The counter-tail is real: a balance-of-payments crisis is possible, and subsidy cuts that doubled some fuel prices and triggered a run on filling stations are exactly the friction that has previously ignited protests. (4) The shuttle system may be a ratchet, not a bridge. ADNOC’s conversion of tankers into April shuttles, the STS expansion tightening global tanker availability, and producers discounting crude to move it all describe a system that gets more expensive and more fragile the longer it operates — the opposite of a self-healing workaround. (5) The threat has gone regional and conditional. Iran’s warning that regional states supporting a US attack become parties to the conflict, plus its accusation that Gulf leaders reciprocated a Salalah invitation with a secret meeting in Germany, is a mechanism by which a US–Iran exchange becomes a US–Gulf–Iran exchange. (6) Deutsche Bank raised its forecast into a selloff. A house lifting its fourth-quarter Brent call to $95 while the front month slides is a positioning signal worth respecting, and it explicitly leans on the argument that serious negotiations may not begin until after the US midterms. (7) Second-order channels are live and slow-burning: vessels leaving the Gulf loaded with fertiliser and agricultural products tie the chokepoint to food inflation; European winter power and gas storage make the LNG leg the least substitutable; and the new US sanctions law’s 100% tariff provision on Russian-energy buyers drags China’s Commerce Ministry publicly into the dispute, adding a second front to a conflict that was already difficult to model.
- Key watch signals: Whether the approved-but-suspended US strikes on Yemen’s Houthis are actually executed — a strike validates the escalation path and revives the premium, sustained restraint confirms that munitions and budget constraints bind. Whether the Trump–Pezeshkian meeting happens on the UN General Assembly sidelines this week, and whether Trump’s GCC meetings produce anything beyond communiqué language. Whether the Qatar channel converts verbal messages into a formal, acknowledged mediation track, and whether Washington responds to the three Iranian conditions rather than restating its own. Whether the weekend’s roughly dozen transits persist or rebound toward the prior weekend’s 35 — a recovery above 20 validates the official flow readings, another single-digit weekend confirms impairment. Whether VLCC Gulf–China freight holds above $30 a barrel and STS loadings stay near the September pace, since a sudden drop in either would signal that the shuttle system is thinning rather than scaling. Whether Brent holds the $100 handle after the fourth down session, and whether the market converges on the raised Deutsche Bank band or the long-established $90–110 range. Whether the UKMTO incident produces a named vessel, a flag state or a confirmation, and whether such reports cluster along the Omani escort corridor. Whether the new sanctions law’s 100% tariff provision is actually invoked against Russian-energy buyers and how Beijing responds. Whether Houthi targeting stays confined to Saudi-linked vessels, or whether the Riyadh campaign broadens to civilian infrastructure and third-country shipping. And whether Iranian crude exports stay at zero through the next monthly Kpler release.
- Source quality control: The single most consequential US item — the decision to stand down from strikes on the Houthis after bombs were being loaded — rests entirely on NYT sources relayed by a social roundup account (Zack Eiseman), and every other item in that roundup, including the Russia–Iran sanctions signing, China’s condemnation, the Qatari safe-passage negotiation and Al-Kaabi’s 17% LNG capacity figure, carries the same single-source flag. The UKMTO item is a social post with no vessel, position or detail. Iran’s claim to hold intelligence of a coming US attack is an official Iranian military assertion carried by state-linked media, denied by nobody but unanswered by the Pentagon, and should not be treated as verified; the IRGC and Khatam al-Anbia statements are likewise party claims. The Houthi strike accounts, Saree’s promise of continued attacks and the 75-Houthi-dead figure (from forces allied to the Yemeni government) are unilateral claims, and although Reuters footage shows smoke near Riyadh’s airport, local authorities have not cited the cause — the Saudi version is interception with no damage, and the Guardian’s account has photographs showing smoke from the Aramco facility, so neither side’s framing is independently established. Transit figures conflict systematically by method and date: a dozen weekend transits and the pre-war 125/day baseline, Kpler’s 6.5 million bpd September estimate, the Department of Energy’s 11 million bpd, JPMorgan’s 17.1 million bpd of Middle East flows, the Houthi government’s 318 ships from 10–18 September, and the CENTCOM commander’s six-month-high claim; Kpler’s numbers are explicitly provisional, and dark transits mean all visible counts understate traffic. Price prints differ by venue and timestamp: $102.15 futures against “around $105” and “near $104 after a three-day drop.” Deutsche Bank is sell-side research and explicitly labels its scenarios as projections. The Financial Times item is a schools teaching page — its headline is usable as a signal of an intended meeting, but its body carries no reporting. Finally, note a notable asymmetry in this batch: the travel advisory and the escalation warnings come from the US government itself, while the claim that Iran’s pain is not translating into negotiating pressure is an analytical judgment drawn from interviews, not a measurable outcome.
Appendix: Further Reading
- [11] Financial Times — headline-only page on a planned Iran–Gulf meeting in a push for a Hormuz deal (schools teaching item; no report body)
- [13] Deutsche Bank — raised Q4 2026 Brent forecast, blocked refining capacity behind Hormuz, and the 2028 war tail scenario
- [12] Reuters — the Gulf of Oman ship-to-ship shuttling system as stopgap or new normal
- [14] WSJ — the new oil shortage is tankers, not just crude
This report is intelligence & mechanism analysis, not investment advice.
30-day review of this series 9/17 – 10/17
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Freight and insurance as the durable premium: Early framing centered on barrels lost through Hormuz; over the month the binding constraint migrated from crude volume to the cost of moving it, with record VLCC charters, war-risk cover and shuttle transit persisting even as headline flows recovered.
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Attack campaign widening and sinking hulls: What began as strikes on tankers inside the strait evolved into a basin-wide campaign — Gulf of Oman, off Qatar, off Fujairah — adding container and bulk tonnage, then actual sinkings and crew deaths, while enforcement hardened from warnings into mined lanes and turn-back orders.
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Flow measurements splintering: The recovery narrative kept reversing as houses diverged — above-prewar claims, then contested dashboards, then a collapse to 2.9 mb/d single-day prints — before consolidating near 92% of pre-conflict exports, with dark transits making every count a floor rather than a measurement.
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Diplomacy cycling without landing: A seven-day reopening offer, an on-record rejection, mediated shuttle talks and Gulf ceasefire proposals repeatedly moved prices without producing a signed text, leaving the channel conditionally alive and the strait’s status declaratory.
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Chokepoints fusing into one front: The Houthis moved from Red Sea coast advances to striking Saudi tankers and airports, tying Bab el-Mandeb to Hormuz and turning the pipeline bypass itself into a target.
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Cost pass-through reaching politics: The shock shifted into distillates, freight and inflation, transmitting through record diesel, long-dated yields and midterm fuel costs rather than the front-month barrel.
Sources15
- ICYMI O/N & WEEKEND IRAN: Trump decided against US strikes on Yemen’s Houthis for now, after ordering preparations following an appeal from Mohammed ...
- Iran vows 'painful' retaliation as Trump piles on pressure ahead of UN General Assembly meeting
- Iran issues chilling warning to US and its allies as tensions escalate
- Iran warns against new escalation by US and allies
- U.S. urges Americans to reconsider Middle East travel as Iran tensions rise
- Middle East braces for more violence as Iran claims US is planning to renew bombing campaign
- Iran is suffering yet surviving under Trump's economic warfare
- Oil Prices Fall for Fourth Day as Supply Concerns Ease
- Oil Steady as Traders Look to Mideast Supply Risks and Diplomacy
- Vessels trickle through Strait of Hormuz as Middle East conflict persists
- School economics class: Iran and Gulf states to meet in push for Hormuz deal
- COMMENTARY: Hormuz shuttles keep oil flowing, but at a high cost
- 德意志银行:地缘冲突延长,上调四季度布伦特原油预测至95美元/桶
- A Shortage of Oil Tankers Is Threatening to Keep Gas Prices High
- UKMTO: Received report of incident involving vessel transiting through the Strait of Hormuz